Japanes Companies, Exports and the Current Account

(click on pictures for better viewing)

Last week, we learned that industrial production rose yet again in Japan clocking in at 1.4% month-on-month in September after having increased by 1.6% in August.

Companies said they planned to increase production in October and November as well, indicating the recovery from a record export collapse in the first quarter is holding up. Growth in China is generating sales for manufacturers including Hitachi Construction Machinery Co., which this week said it has worked off stockpiles that piled up during the recession.

“The pace of the recovery is faster than expected,” said Hiroshi Miyazaki, chief economist at Shinkin Asset Management Co. in Tokyo. Withdrawal of stimulus in the U.S. and Europe may cause output and exports to slow down this quarter, Miyazaki said, “but so far, today’s production report showed few signs of that.”

This is good news for Japan's economy even if it seems that Japan may simply be re-deploying old tricks in which companies are leveraging external demand but the domestic economy remains unable to pick up on the momentum. As ever, the disconnect between the level and flow of domestic activity (and price pressure) created by the domestic economy and the additional boost from external demand and asset income remains one the main perspective through which to look at the Japanese economy.

Within this context, the notion of Japan being dependent on exports to grow has emerged; initially as a strong market discourse and since in a more formal theoretical light in the form of the humble contribution of yours truly. It still represents a powerful market discourse and in fact, the idea of export dependency or reliance on external demand has been propelled to the main scene of the current economic turmoil as it has slowly but surely dawned on market participants and policy makers that the extent to which global imbalances need to be resolved, we have to find someone to run the deficits. And although this may seem a simple task, it has proved decidedly difficult to make the puzzles match in a world where deleveraging remains a key driving force on both the microeconomic and macroeconomic level.

In this entry I thought it would be interesting to look at a topic which combines the two perspectives above, that is; both the theoretical and the more market oriented narrative. On the former, this analysis would seek to move the analytical perspective down a notch from the pure macroeconomic level to a microeconomic level linking data on the company level (company accounts) with macroeconomic data (national accounts). On the latter, the analysis would provide some empirical foundation for the often cited relationship between a positive reading on industrial production/capex and a pick up in external demand, or more precisely the link between corporate activity and exports.

The analysis will be based on data from the Japanese trade ministry (METI) and OECD and will cover the period 1960Q1-2008Q4 (mail me for the excel sheet). On the company side, I will use data on sales (topline) and as well as profits (operating and ordinary). I will also distinguish between the manufacturing and non-manufacturing sector since one might expect, in Japan's case, the accounts of the former to be considerably more sensitive to external demand than in the case of the latter. With respect to national accounts I am using the OECD CARSA methodology which essentially signifies that we have current prices at annual levels with seasonal adjustment.

In line with the spin traditionally served here at Alpha.Sources, I will be looking at an increase in the connection between corporate sales and profits and external demand as an implicit function of age. This is to say, that this disconnect between domestic momentum and the ability of Japanese companies to generate revenues and thus growth based on external demand is a function of the increase in Japan's median age.

The main results of the analysis can be summarized in the following points.

• The positive relationship between the change in Japanese companies' profits/topline and the change in exports or the current account has increased markedly in a post 1990 and specifically post 1998-2000 context. This effect is predominantly a phenomenon observed amongst manufacturing companies.

• The empirical analysis suggest that Japanese manufacturing companies are now highly reliant on external demand to generate sales, profits and thus in some sense investment activity. 

• The sensitivity of the sales of manufacturers to the volume of exports has increased by a factor of 60% from 0.25% to 0.4% around the period where Japan breaches a median age of 40 years.

• The sensitivity of the ordinary profits of manufacturers to the current account has equally increased markedly in the period where Japan has moved to a median age above 40. In the period after 1997 results indicates that a 1 unit (JPY) increase in the change of the current account has led to a 0.23 unit (JPY) increase in the ordinary profits of Japanese manufacturers which compares with a corresponding non-significant relationship in a pre 1998 context.

A Look at Company Performance, the Current Account and Correlation

Regardless of whether one squares the outlook on the Japanese economy, there is no doubt that the dent which the corporates have taken as a result of the economic turmoil is unprecedented.

Notice that I have indexed the charts with 1995 as a base year and then realize that current nominal value of company revenues has dropped to a level comparative to the one observed in 1993-1994 in relative terms. In absolute terms, the aggregate value of sales of Japanese manufacturers stood at some tn 84 and 82 JPY in Q1-09 and Q2-09 respectively which is value not observed since 1989 in nominal terms. This should give us a clear picture of drop in activity and then also the difficulty with which Japan will have in restoring productive activities back to normal whatever this might mean as we move forward.

With respect to Japan's external balance it is a bit more complicated, but there are some important points to remember as we move through the charts. Japan has been running an external surplus since the beginning of the 1980s, but as I have spent an entire academic paper explaining, it is only in the latter part of the 1990s and into the 2000s that this external surplus seems to be connected strongly with output growth. Moreover, it is important to distinguish between net exports and the income balance since the latter has been particularly important driving Japan's external balance in a from the 1990s and onwards

In light of the graph above, we can say that given the sharp decline in domestic growth in a post 1990 context external demand has take over, so to speak, both in terms of keeping national savings higher as well as contributing to headline growth. It is along the same axis that we would then expect the relationship between Japanese companies and external demand to have increased.

Moving on to some simple correlation analysis the following two charts which show the correlation between company sales and exports as well as the trade surplus/GDP will give us a nice initial overview of the data in question.

The representation is in changes (which is not unimportant) and smoothed by taking the correlation as a 4 year moving average (i.e. 16 quarters). The y-axis is ending period which means that a correlation for e.g. 1997 means correlation between 1993-1997.

Simply eye balling these charts does not seem to provide decisive evidence of the hypothesis of export dependency. Sure, we can easily see that the period 1997-2008 has seen a sharp increase in the relationship between company sales and the flow of exports as well as the share of external demand and GDP, but the key point to take away from these graphs is that they appear to be mean reverting (with a very weak positive time trend in the case of the second). This would mean then that the connection currently observed between exports and corporate sales is not unique. However, if we focus the attention on the second graph, it is also pretty clear that it is only in a post 1980 context that we have observed periods in which the correlation between sales and the trade surplus has been consistently and strongly positive. This would then seem to lend some evidence to the idea of export dependency and how this may be a distinct characteristic of contemporary Japan.

Moreover it would seem that it is not possible (except in the case of the correlation between sales and the trade surplus) to distinguish decisively between manufacturing and non-manufacturing. In later sections and using simple ordinary least squares analysis, it is however possible to differentiate this statement considerably.

Before we come to that though, it would be apt to use the initial conclusion above and have a closer look at the post 1980 period. Moreover, and courtesy of a more richer dataset on the macroeconomic level we can now augment the analysis with the income balance and thus the current account. This may seem trivial, but is very important in Japan's case since the income balance in particular has driven the external balance in recent years. From a company point of view and in order to be consistent, I will correct for the importance of the income balance by including company profits as the main gauge for company performance.

This chart (in level form and only for manufacturers) seems to be more supportive of the evidence of export dependency at least if we allow ourself the luxury to look only at the period from 1980s. The chart shows however that the strong positive relationship between the current account and the profits of companies is a relatively recent phenomenon which took off somewhere around 2000. Consequently, in the period from 1983 to 2000 the correlation between the current account and company profits in the manufacturing sector has been negative and in some cases strongly negative.  

From this brief look at correlations, we should be satisfied that when it comes to the period post 1998 (more or less) the performance of Japanese companies have been strongly linked to external demand and income derived from external assets. Yet, this does not provides decisive evidence for export dependency measured as a strong and growing link between the performance of companies and external demand. In order to show this we must turn our attention to a bit more sophisticated statistical techniques although I can promise you that it won't be very fancy.

Some Models to Go With That?

The analysis which proceeds will center on the two following simple models which take the first difference or percentage change as a linear function of the change in either the value of exports or the current account.

The first regression will also be run with the sales of non-manufacturers as dependent variable in order to check the initial conclusion above that it is really not possible to distinguish between manufacturers and non-manufacturers[1].

Now, if you don't care about statistical analysis, you may stop here and move straight to the conclusion or go back to the summary in the beginning where the main results are reported. If you decide however to move on, rest assured that, following the models above, I never move beyond univariate OLS, so things should not get too complicated if you are a little bit familiar with statistical analysis.

Note that throughout the results presented below, the full period will be Q1 1960 to Q4 2008, period 1 signifies the period where Japan had a median age below 40 and period 2 is consequently defined as the period in which Japan had a median age above 40.

If we begin with the first model that plots sales of manufacturers as a linear function of the volume in exports (both in % changes), the results for the full period, period 1, and period 2 regressions return the following results [2].

For those of you who are familiar with the results presented in my earlier work on Japan, these results should be well known. In this way, it appears that the relationship between the sales of manufacturers and the volume of exports has increased markedly, both in terms of the marginal effect as well as in the context of the overall fit of the model. Since this model is a log-log model, we can interpret the coefficient in percentages and in this way, the estimation indicate that the sensitivity of the sales of manufacturers to the volume of exports has increased by a factor of 60% from 0.25% to 0.4%. In words, it means that in the second period the estimation suggests that a 1% increase in exports will lead to a 0.4% increase in the sales of manufacturers whereas the corresponding number is 0.25% in period 1.

Looking at the overall fit of the relationship, the results clearly indicate that this representation leaves out a considerable source of the variation in the sales of manufacturers which is entirely to be expected. As always, it is essentially a qualitative and theoretical question whether the increase in the sensitivity as well as the goodness of fit (from 0.08 to 0.13) represents de-facto export dependency or simply indicates an increased reliance over and above other more important factors.

In relation to the second model which plots operating profits as a linear function of the change in the current account, it is important to note that this model is estimated in the first difference (and thus not log-log) because the current account in some cases has been negative. Moreover, the sample period is shorter than for the first model (1980-2008) since OECD does not have data for the income balance prior to 1980.

On an overall basis these results underpin those from the first estimation although they seem to confirm the hypothesis to a much higher degree. Abstracting from the full period result which serves as an anchor for the overall significance of the relationship, the difference between the model estimated for period 1 and period 2 is striking. Consequently, the first period estimation signifying the period where the median age of Japan is below 40 shows no significant relationship whatsoever, in this sense it appears that the apparent negative relationship implied above from the correlation charts do not pass the simple causality test which OLS represents. The second period regression on the other hand returns a strong and significant relationship which indicates that a 1 unit (JPY) increase in the change of the current account will lead to a 0.23 unit (JPY) increase in the ordinary profits of Japanese manufacturers. On the goodness of fit measure the only thing we can say is that it has increased considerably to signify the increase in relationship between the profits of manufacturers and the current account. However, whether a goodness of fit of 0.15 is high in an absolute sense here is difficult to say without a more thorough and comparative study. But since we have a univariate framework, I believe this result to be quite extraordinary.

Conclusion

I hope by now that I will have either convinced you or scared you off in terms of the importance of whether Japan is dependent on exports to grow or not. I would also hope that the connection to events closer to the market is not too difficult to see. For example, Bloomberg is running the story today that the BOJ, like most other central banks, is either willingly or, dragged kicking and screaming by market sentiment, moving towards the formulation and near execution of the famed exit strategy from extraordinary monetary policy measures. Clearly, interest rates are to remain low for as far as the eye can see, but it is interesting to ponder whether the decision by the BOJ scale back corporate debt purchases is related to optimism on the companies ability to leverage domestic growth or whether it is because they see export markets reving back up in which case it would be back to the same old growth strategy. Another example would be the latest inflation reading which suggests, more than anything, the extent to which the domestic economy in Japan is not able to provide an environment in which companies can operate profitably as well as it indicates how overall domestic momentum is essentially contractory.

It is within this general economic context that the notion of export dependency becomes important and specifically how this might relate to the ageing of Japan's population. In this entry I have tried to take this idea down a notch from the strict macroeconomic level in the form of an analysis of the relationship between external demand measured through national accounts and aggregate corporate accounts. The results, I believe, speak for themselves and strongly suggest I think that Japan indeed is becoming increasingly dependent on external demand to create the growth and income the economy needs to maintain economic growth. Following from this, a number of questions present themselves, not least the most crucial general question relating the issue of export dependency to ageing in a general sense and then on to the discourse on global macroeconomic imbalances. But for now, I will let you digest the data at described and analysed above.

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[1] - Results of this regression is not formally reported in the text; please mail me if you want my excel sheet and results.

[2] - In order to be really rigorous I would have to formally test for the difference between the two periods (e.g. through a Chow Test or related method), but here it will suffice to look at the change over the period without putting a label of statistical significance on it.

Ageing and Export Dependency on the Agenda

I know that I tend to harp quite a bit about this theme, but I also trust that my readers by now will be well be used to it. One of the main interesting things about the notion that ageing might be related to export dependency is that while it enjoys little, if any, support in the academic literature it seems to have gotten an increasingly amount of momentum in the context of the market discourse. But then again, perhaps this is not so odd after all in the sense that markets, analysts, and commentators would tend to pick up narratives and ideas quite a bit before they get assimilated into the sometimes arcane world of academia, especially in relation to economics and finance.

In any event, it is with an increasing regularity that we can now observe analysts and commentators alike invoke the idea that for example Germany and Japan are indeed dependent on exports to grow.

Personally and in the context of a more wonkish perspective of why we should expect ageing and export dependency to be related, I have tried to speed the process on the academic side of the fence through two attempts here at Alpha.Sources to explain how this might be seen. The first was a very wonkish piece taken, to some extent, from my upcoming master's thesis and the second was a bit less difficult, I hope, and dealt with the specific case of Germany. To cap it off, I have even written a paper on the topic and I am presenting it this Wednesday in Barcelona; here is the abstract.

The primary manifestation of the demographic transition in a modern economic context is through ageing and the primary transmission from ageing to the macro economy is through its effect on saving and investment behavior. These two effects taken together suggest a strong impact from the continuing process of ageing on international capital flows and global macroeconomic imbalances. This paper explores the potential relationship between ageing on a macroeconomic level and the reliance, or outright dependency, on exports and foreign asset income to achieve economic growth. The paper’s argument is both theoretical and empirical. Using a standard overlapping generation framework (OLG) in an open economy context this paper discusses whether the proposed relationship between a transition into old age and dissaving is feasible and desirable (or even optimal?). Finally, an empirical analysis is presented on Germany and Japan to show how these two economies, as the oldest in the world, may exactly be in a state of export dependency.

It is still rough around the edges, but readable I hope. Comments, critique, and suggestions are welcome.

More generally, I was also happy and honoured to read the recent monthly newsletter from the London based investment company Absolute Returns which included a thorough and fine review of my ideas and thoughts on the topic of how ageing affects capital flows. In fact, the author Niels C. Jensen elaborates in some detail on the obvious and relevant question surrounding the fact that while we may all become de-facto dependent on exports as a function of old age, we cannot all export at the same time. Niels rolls out a fine and thorough argument, but especially; I took note of the following in relation to Japan (my emphasis);

No other country is aging as quickly as Japan. Saddled with a large number of old age pensioners already (the dependency ratio is currently 35), the ratio will grow to an astonishing 76 over the next four decades. The Japanese economy has struggled to drag itself out of a slow growth environment for the past twenty years (give or take). The problems in Japan are well publicised and are often blamed on failed policy measures. I just wonder how big a role demographics have actually played in all of this and whether the Japanese mire is a sign of things to come for the rest of us?

I would never be so stupid to argue that policies, culture, as well as institutions don't matter. They obviously do and are a big part of the picture. However, I also believe that when we come to look at the case of e.g. Japan the demographics, defined by an ongoing and relentless process of ageing, tend to crowd out these other factors. This is especially the case when taken so far as it has been in Japan. But then you only need to realize that Niels is right here. Japan is essentially but one step ahead of the rest of the OECD (with a few exceptions), and it is worthwhile to think long and hard about what this means. I am not being a fatalist here, but simply trying to point in the direction of where the real issue is buried since I also believe, without I hope sounding to alarmist, that the stakes are quite high here, not least in the context of policy advice and guidance to the large batch of emerging economies who are destined to follow the same demographic transition as Japan, Germany et al. if we don't arrive at narrating the issue in a proper way.

Ok, I shall leave it here. Needless to say, that for those of you who are mainly concerned with a P/L (be it yours personally or your clients') I believe the discussion has relevance too since ultimately ageing is first and foremost transmitted through the flow of factors of which capital flows is, by far, the most important [1]. For that reason alone, Niels' piece is worth more than a brief look.

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[1] - Migration holds huge potential here, but labour mobility across borders is a whole different ball game than capital.

Ageing and Global Capital Flows - Is it Optimal to Dissave?

A preliminary apology is in order. What follows is uber wonkish and should be consumed preferably in small quantities. In fact, I am not sure that I have gotten everything right yet. Of course, we never are but in this case it is an important point to make up front. The argument is loosely built on my upcoming master's thesis which seeks to explore the connection between ageing and capital flows and specifically how and whether the former may lead to a state of export dependency; where export dependency is defined as a high and increasing sensitivity of the rate of change of national income to the rate of change of the current account. This is something I have discussed extensively on AS, but in this case I am trying to give it a thorough theoretical spin which means that any non econ-wonks are likely to be lost in translation.

I should stress immediately that this is not a virtue but rather a vice, but I do think that exploring  conventional economic theory (and moving beyond?) is an important part of the process. In the end, the argument should be amendable to plain English and, as it were, plain common sense and intuition as well as, of course, empirical falsification. One thing which I can promise though is that there will be no mathematical models; at least there, I should have provided some comfort. If you want the math, you will have to wait for the thesis.

The best way to frame the following argument is perhaps to insert it in the chronology of the thesis where it appears, in the end, as a perspectivation on aggregate global capital flows. What precedes this is thus an, hopefully convincing, account of the fact that Germany and Japan are effectively dependent on exports to grow as a result of their demographic profiles.

Some Thoughts on Export Dependency

First it would be worthwhile taking a look at the following sketch (click to enlarge) which captures a lot of the issues that will be discussed below. Essentially, it attempts to show, as nastily and brutishly short as possible, what export dependency means in the context of what we could call conventional economic theory.

For non-econ wonks it is likely to be quite difficult to read, but in fact; it is fairly simple. The X-axis  represents the age of an economy here exemplified in the phases of the age transition derived from a study by Malmberg and Sommestad that discusses the demographic transition as a transition in age structure (and not population growth). But really, it could just as well be median age where a median age of 40-50 would the limit to the right and, let us say, about 20-25 to the left. The Y-axis is adopted directly from Higgins (1998,  e.g. table 1, p. 350) who uses empirical estimations to model the effect from age on, in this case, the current account. As I, Higgins also use age on the x-axis (age distributions) and on the y-axis he has age coefficients. This basically means that a negative value signifies that the age structure in the economy influences the current account negatively (i.e. pushing the CA towards a deficit) while the reverse is true for a positive value. Essentially, we need not, initially, bother with the numerical value of such age coefficients here, but merely note whether it is positive or negative and then secondarily we may look at the level effect (i.e. whether the effect is numerically large).

I should immediately point out that there are no direct empirical basis for the curves. The line which is labeled trajectory of export dependency is basically a cubed function designed to show a more less linear association between export dependency and ageing with the added and important feature (hence the cubed functional form) that export dependency tends to increase exponentially when you move into very old age. The blue line naturally do contain some empirical foundation in that it originates from an empirical study Higgins (1998) where it is constructed based on empirical estimations. I shall not go into Higgin's empirical framework here since it would take us into the dark world of time series econometrics but merely point out that Higgins manages to come up with what we could call the textbook representation of the effect of ageing on the current account and it is worth pointing out that he is not the only one. Also Supan et al. (2007), Bryant (2006), Henriksen (2002) and Summers et al. (1990) (among a myriad of other studies) postulate either through theoretical elaborations or empirical estimations a relationship which may be approximated by the chart above.

In theoretical terms, the basis for this "hump-shaped" relationship between ageing and the current account is derived in the context of the simple, yet crucial, intuition derived from Modigliani's life cycle hypothesis which states that consumers spend their working age years saving for retirement where they will dissave those accumulated assets. Then, at some point during working age there is a "peak" which is characterised by the time when the saving rate is highest and thus also, indirectly, where the effect on the current account should be largest. Following convention, this is modeled in economics through the idea of overlapping generations and often in the form of a neo-classical growth theory framework or simply a general equlibrium representative agent framework. I shall not open pandora's box and discuss the merit of these methods here but merely point out that I think it is very difficult to argue against the the basic intution which lies behind these models and thus, as it were, the intuition from the life cycle hypothesis.

In essence of course, the real issue is one of calibration and thus one of empirical analysis to see just how this postulated hump may materialise as well as of course realizing that ageing is not the only variable which influences the current account. It is also here that the fun begins and where things very quickly become very complicated. 

In this respect, it is worthwhile focusing the attention on the so-called dissaving phase which should be a natural result of the move towards an ever higher share of the elderly in the population. The basic mechanism here is simply that in standard economic models "old" economic agents will dissave their entire asset and thus as the old cohorts increasingly will outnumber the young cohorts the dissaving of the former will trumph the saving of the latter and lead to dissaving on an aggregate level. All sorts of ill prophecies have been proposed in the context of this dissaving hypothesis, not least that we are facing an asset meltdown scenario in 2050 because there will be far too many elderly wanting to offload their assets to a much smaller base of younger cohorts who cannot support a satisfactory price (yield) level.

Now, the problem here is that empirical studies have shown that the idea of dissaving, while intuitively strong, is difficult to verify to the extent that theoretical models suggest. This is not difficult to imagine I think. By very nature of the uncertainty of the mortality schedule people do not (cannot) dissave to 0 and beyond this there are may be bequest motives. In an open economy context this further creates the rather dubious situation in which economies well into their old age will have to run persistent external deficits because, presumably, savings will have decline far faster than domestic investment demands. I say dubious here because this is exactly where I have chosen to take my stab at trying to amend the theoretical framework.

Consequently, I am not so sure that this is a plausible end point in the context of continuing population ageing. Specifically, I would like to ask the simple question of whether it is actually optimal for any society to dissave as the theory postulates. I don't think it is and while it is certainly not unlikely that economies may actually dissave (defacto) they will still be dependent on exports to grow and thus the difference between the two curves into the latter age transitions represents an externality. This is also why I think that economies, in stead of responding with dissaving, will fight the point at which they reach this stage since when they do it is effectively game over. Imagine for example how the likes of Germany and Japan would ever be able to finance an external deficit brought about solely on the basis of the fact that savings has declined so fast as to not even be able to meet domestic investment demand which in itself will be declining. In this situation, wouldn't it be much smarter to maintain savings persistently higher than domestic investment demand which can of course only be materialized in an external surplus. I think it will and it is this point which you need to keep in mind as we move forward.

Implications for Global Capital Flows

With these considerations in mind, the key question then becomes; what happens when more and more economies grow to become increasingly like Germany and Japan? (As we know they will, at least in the context of the OECD). Naturally, not everyone can maintain excess exports over imports at the same time so something, as they say, has got to give and it is this something, as it were, which is the topic of this entry.

The focus on the implication of ageing on aggregate global capital flows is not new and is, in fact, an integral part of the analysis in Supan et al. (2007), Higgins (1998) and Bryant (2006) which were also mentioned above. However, in the following we are going to relax the condition of dissaving normally assumed in e.g. OLG models and accept that the propensity to run an external surplus will increase as an economy ages.

If we do this, it should not require too much imagination to see the issues that may rise. For starters, I want to reiterate yet again the trivial fact that not all economies can run an external surplus at one and the same time. This means, quite naturally, that what might be optimal from the point of view of a single economy (i.e. maintaining a surplus as it ages) may not be viable or optimal from the point of view of the global economy.

In order to frame the discussion it is natural to take our point of departure in the discourse on global macroeconomic imbalances.

As so many other things, the financial crisis has completely dislocated this system but it still worthwhile to ponder the nature of the global financial system in a post Asian crisis perspective and up until now. Consequently, the global macroeconomic landscape has long been characterized by what many has termed Bretton Woods II in which a large batch of especially Asian and oil exporting economies have been pegging their currencies to the US dollar who in turn have been running a large current account deficit to match the savings surplus in emerging markets such as China, South Korea, the Petroexporters, Brazil and Russia. In fact, if we cut a lateral line through this argument we could say that the world has hitherto been characterized by the Anglo-Saxon economies running external deficits to match surpluses in big emerging markets as well as Japan and Germany.[1] That however changed abruptly with the advent of the financial crisis and it is interesting to note the initial response by market participants and many scholars in their interpretation. Consequently, as it became clear that the US economy had been mortally wounded on the back of the subprime mortgage debacle the US Fed slashed nominal interest rates significantly. As a result the USD plummeted which led many commentators to hail the US economy’s fall from grace and specifically coined the notion of decoupling in which the Eurozone economy and Japan were pinned as the ones taking up the slack in steering forward global demand. Initial versions of the decoupling thesis thus centered on the shift in emerging market exports from the US to Japan and, especially, the Eurozone and thus in the process also a shift from the US dollar to the Euro as a global reserve currency. As it turned out this was nothing but a mirage masked by the fact that US policy makers essentially acted preemptively to a crisis which turned global during the summer 2007 and now most major central banks in the OECD have slowly bitten the bullet and followed Bernanke into quantitative easing to combat the risk of deflation which would be devastating in the context of the debt overhangs some economies face. Moreover, and as a general point, the global economy already decoupled from the US, and indeed OECD, economy a long time ago. Consequently, it is an irrefutable fact that the global economy is undergoing a fundamental change in which emerging economies such as India, Turkey, Brazil, China; Chile etc will ascend to account for an ever larger share of global GDP and growth. The crucial question is then; how will this process and the process of global ageing be transmitted to the global economy through capital flows?

As a starting point to answer this question I would like to draw the attention to comments made by two of the most prominent members of the global financial punditry in the form of US economist Paul Krugman (PK) and the Financial Times’ chief economics commentator Martin Wolf (MW).

Starting with the former[2] he recently pointed to the fact, in the context of Japan, that external demand was instrumental in ending the slump and providing a relative bounce between 2003 and 2007. As PK further goes to argue, this may present a rather ominous outlook since the extent to which we are all, in the OECD, currently stuck in a “Japan-style” liquidity trap the way out may constitute a rather crowded route. As PK poignantly points out at the end of his small piece;

(...) needless to say, we can’t all export ourselves out of a global slump. So, how does this end?

Krugman 2009

This is indeed a good question and MW makes a similar argument in a recent column[3] where he points towards the fact that the global imbalances themselves may prove to be an impediment to a swift global recovery.

 In short, if the world economy is to get through this crisis in reasonable shape, creditworthy surplus countries must expand domestic demand relative to potential output. How they achieve this outcome is up to them. But only in this way can the deficit countries realistically hope to avoid spending themselves into bankruptcy.

Martin Wolf (2008)

This is of course a very appealing proposition and also goes to heart of idea that, at least, one part of the solution of the current global crisis lies in the resolution of global macroeconomic imbalances. But prey tell, how are these surplus countries going to revert towards a growth path characterized by a more balanced external account and perhaps even an external deficit?

It is in this context that the argument presented in this thesis becomes important. Consequently, there is a big risk that these surplus economies (e.g. Japan and Germany) simply will not be able to heed the call of MW. The main reason for this inability is then, in part, exactly to be found in the economic profile of a rapidly ageing economy with a median age pushing 40 year mark and beyond. Japan and Germany as well as the economies next in line to reach their age bracket cannot achieve growth based on domestic demand in a way which would allow them to suck up excess global capacity through an external deficit.

This is a very important point to stress in the context of the global economy and must be stressed with great emphasis.

Some Charts to Go With This

In order to try to make sense of all this consider the supply/demand chart below which plots the supply and demand for savings in the global economy. Following convention, the X-axis represents quantity and the Y-axis represents price. In this specific case, the X-axis can be seen as the total demand (from deficit nations) for excess investment beyond the level which can be achieved through domestic savings. The Y-axis then becomes the price[4] (interest rate) which equates this demand with the level (supply) of excess savings provided by the surplus nations beyond the level which can be absorbed by domestic investment demand

(click to enlarge)

As a natural consequence of the intuition underlying this small model, equilibrium is a forced (and always binding) condition since, by definition, the sum of external deficits must equal the sum of external surpluses in the global economy. 

If we accept the idea behind the theoretical framework presented in this thesis it is very easy to see the implications of a sustained global process of ageing. As is shown in the diagram the supply of excess savings (external surpluses) will increase with ageing [S(1) to S(2)]. But this is not the only effect. Following the simple intuition of a closed system an increase in supply must be meet by a decrease in demand too since we assume that economies are moving from a position as external deficit nations to a position of external surplus nations. In this sense, the constant level of output (quantity) is largely a simplifying trick in the sense that we let the entire adjustment process occur on the return of the excess savings of surplus nations rather than the quantity of excess widgets they can produce to sell abroad.[5] This produces an effect whereby ageing reduces the price of excess savings in equilibrium.

In order to move forward from here we need to mentally relax, as it were, the idea that deficits need to equal surpluses in equilibrium. In concrete terms, we need to understand the idea of equilibrium does not capture the notion of dependency on exports/foreign asset income to grow.

This is amended in the following graph; (click to enlarge).

The key here is the notion of the critical price level [6]. This should be seen as the level needed to sustain an acceptable level of growth in ageing economies and is thus a direct proxy for export dependency. As the global economy ages and assuming that equilibrium must hold at all times, the supply of excess savings and the demand for these savings decrease both lowering the equilibrium price and quantity. However, the critical price level remains. One key implications of this is a systematic oversupply of savings, or glut if you will, produced by the process of ageing and it is very important to understand that this oversupply is very tangible. It represents the value of external surpluses which would be enough for the likes of Germany, Japan etc to maintain a growth rate consistent with expectations and essentially the maintenance of their market economies. In the jargon of the theory, it represents the point at which ageing economies are optimally smoothing consumption and saving as a function of their intertemporal preference for the latter over the former. Of course, it cannot exist as a real entity but it may still have real implications.

The first obvious effect is to make the variation of ageing economies’ output very sensitive to the variation in out of deficit nations and thus global output. In its strictest form, this is how export dependency emerges. Another notable effect would be that it drives down the return in ageing economies to such an extent that it may fuel so called carry trade flows in which traders borrow in low interest rates currencies and invest in high interest rate currencies. Another example would be how these savings may be used to fund temporary and unsustainable build up of credit expansion in economies running external deficits. This is to say that if the equilibrium depicted above essentially is binding in the long run the implied existence of this excess pool of savings may lead to sudden outward jumps of the demand curve and thus the creation of credit bubbles. The main key to take away from this small economic model is thus the idea of an externality of ageing on a global level. This externality arises as a direct function of the implied existence of an excess of savings over demand as the global economy ages. In the context of the theoretical framework above the externality should be seen as function of the crowding of economies in one end of the spectrum on intertemporal preferences for consumption and saving. Crucially, it also means that what we might find to be optimal in the context of a single economy is not optimal on a global level a point which is certain to make standard economic modeling of aggregation from the representative economy level to the global economy very difficult. In empirical terms it means that what one might find to be the optimal path in a time series perspective of one economy may turn out to have radically different implications in the cross section when more or all global economies are involved.  

Further studies should attempt to develop this idea further since it provides a useful venue of analysis as an alternative to the traditional idea drafted from life cycle theory that global ageing will entail dis-saving on an aggregate level.

List of References

David M. Cutler & James M. Poterba & Louise M. Sheiner & Lawrence H. Summers (1990)
"An Aging Society: Opportunity or Challenge?," Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Economic Studies Program, The Brookings Institution, vol. 21(1990-1), pages 1-74.

Henriksen, Esben (2002) – A Demographic Explanation of U.S. and Japanese Current Account Behavior, Graduate School of Industrial Administration, Carnegie Mellon University

Higgins, Matthew (1998) – Demography, National Savings, and International Capital Flows, International Economic Review, Volume 39 (1998) Issue (Month): 2 (May) pp 343-69

Bryant, Ralph C (2006) – Asymmetric Demography and Macroeconomic Interactions Across National Borders, Brookings Institute, the paper was presented at a conference hosted by the Reserve Bank of Australia in 2006 (http://www.rba.gov.au/PublicationsAndResearch/Conferences/2006/)

  Borsch-Supan, Axel H; Alexander, Ludwig; and Krüger Dirk (2007) – Demographic Change, Relative Factor Prices, International Capital Flows and their Differential Effects on the Welfare of Generations, NBER Working Paper No W13185

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[1] With the German surplus mainly materializing itself in an intra-European imbalance.

[2] Paul Krugman (2009) – The Eschatology of Lost Decades, NYT blog post

[3] Martin Wolf (2008) – Global Imbalances Threatens the Survival of Free Trade

[4] Which is assumed to be exogenously determined for all involved economies through the equilibrium in this system.

[5] Remember that I am assuming that quantity is fixed and that the entire adjustment takes place on the price. In a more realistic representation the adjustment would of course take place on both the price and quantity.